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Joseph Stilwell

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Title: Joseph Stilwell  
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Subject: Timeline of World War II (1942), Second Sino-Japanese War, China Burma India Theater, Claire Lee Chennault, South-East Asian theatre of World War II
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Joseph Stilwell

Joseph Stilwell
Birth name Joseph Warren Stilwell
Nickname(s) "Vinegar Joe", "Uncle Joe", "Old Two Shirts"
Born (1883-03-19)March 19, 1883
Palatka, Florida, U.S.
Died October 12, 1946(1946-10-12) (aged 63)
San Francisco, California, U.S.
Allegiance  United States of America
Service/branch United States Army
Years of service 1904–1946
Rank General
Commands held 7th Infantry Division
III Corps
China Burma India Theater
Chinese Expeditionary Force (Burma)
Chinese Army in India
Northern Combat Area Command (NCAC)
Army Ground Forces
U.S. Tenth Army
U.S. Sixth Army
Western Defense Command

World War I

World War II

Awards Distinguished Service Cross
Distinguished Service Medal (2)
Legion of Merit
Other work Chief of Staff to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek

Joseph Warren Stilwell (March 19, 1883 – October 12, 1946) was a United States Army general who served in the China Burma India Theater during World War II. His caustic personality was reflected in the nickname "Vinegar Joe".

Although distrustful of his theater commander.[1]


  • Early life and education 1
  • Military career prior to World War II 2
  • Political and personal views 3
  • Burma 4
    • Command of the Chindits 4.1
    • Disagreements with Chiang and the Allies 4.2
    • Myitkyina Offensive and aftermath 4.3
  • Conflict with General Chennault 5
  • Recall from China 6
  • Reassignment 7
  • Death 8
  • Aftermath 9
  • Legacy 10
  • In popular culture 11
  • Dates of rank 12
  • Awards and decorations 13
  • See also 14
  • References 15
  • Further reading 16
  • External links 17

Early life and education

Stilwell was born on March 19, 1883, in Palatka, Florida of patrician Yankee stock.[2] His parents were Doctor Benjamin Stilwell and Mary A. Peene. Stilwell was an eighth generation descendant of an English colonist who arrived in America in 1638, whose descendants remained in New York up through the birth of Stilwell's father.[3] Named for a family friend, as well as the doctor who delivered him, Joseph Stilwell, known as Warren by his family, grew up in New York, under a strict regimen from his father that included an emphasis on religion. Stilwell later admitted to his daughter that he picked up criminal instincts due to,"...being forced to go to Church and Sunday School, and seeing how little real good religion does anybody, I advise passing them all up and using common sense instead."[4]

Stilwell's rebellious attitude led him to a record of unruly behavior once he reached a post-graduate level at Yonkers High School. Prior to this last year, Stilwell had performed meticulously in his classes, and had participated actively in football (as quarterback) and track.[4] Under the discretion of his father, Stilwell was placed into a post-graduate course following graduation, and immediately formed a group of friends whose activities ranged from card playing to stealing the desserts from the senior dance in 1900. This last event, in which an administrator was punched, led to the expulsions and suspensions for Stilwell's friends. Stilwell, meanwhile, having already graduated, was once again by his father's guidance sent to attend the United States Military Academy at West Point, rather than Yale University as originally planned.[5]

Despite missing the deadline to apply for Congressional appointment to the military academy, Stilwell gained entry through the use of family connections who knew President William McKinley.[5] In his first year, Stilwell underwent hazing as a plebe that he referred to as "hell."[6] While at West Point, Stilwell showed an aptitude for languages, such as French, in which he ranked first in his class during his second year. In the field of sports, Stilwell is credited with introducing basketball to the Academy, and participating in cross-country running (as Captain), as well as playing on the varsity football team. At West Point he had two demerits for laughing during drill. Ultimately, Stilwell graduated from the academy, class of 1904, ranked 32nd in a class of 124 cadets.[7] His son, Brigadier General Joseph, Jr., {West Point 1933} served in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam.

Military career prior to World War II

Stilwell later taught at West Point, and attended the Infantry Advanced Course and the Command and General Staff College. During World War I, he was the U.S. Fourth Corps intelligence officer and helped plan the St. Mihiel offensive. He was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal for his service in France.

Stilwell is often remembered by his sobriquet, "Vinegar Joe", which he acquired while a commander at

Military offices
Preceded by
Walter Krueger
Commanding General of the Sixth United States Army
Succeeded by
George Price Hays
Preceded by
Roy Geiger
Commanding General of the Tenth United States Army
Succeeded by
  • The Stilwell Pages
  • Annals of the Flying Tigers
  • The short film Big Picture: The Joseph Warren Stilwell Story is available for free download at the Internet Archive
  • Stilwell's basketball biography on Hoopedia
  • Transcribed copies of Stilwell's World War II diaries and other diaries are available on the Hoover Institution Archives website, with the original diaries among the Joseph Warren Stilwell papers at the Hoover Institution Archives.
  • Transcribed copies of the World War II diaries of Ernest F. Easterbrook, Stilwell's executive assistant in Burma (as of 1944) and son-in-law, are available on the Hoover Institution Archives website, with the original diaries among the Ernest Fred Easterbrook papers at the Hoover Institution Archives.

External links

  • Jack Belden, Retreat With Stilwell, New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1943. Sympathetic eye witness account.
  • Frank Dorn, Walkout: With Stilwell in Burma, Pyramid Books 1973. By his principal aide.
  • Fred Eldridge, 'Wrath in Burma The Uncensored Story of Gen. Stilwell Doubleday & Co., 1946.
  • Eric Larrabee, Commander In Chief, New York: Harper & Row, 1987. ISBN 0-06-039050-6
  • Jon Latimer, Burma: The Forgotten War, London: John Murray, 2004. ISBN 978-0-7195-6576-2
  • Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911-45, Macmillan 1970. Grove Press 2001. British edition: Sand Against the Wind: Stilwell and the American Experience in China 1911-45, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2001. ISBN 978-1-84212-281-5. Sympathetic full scale biography.
  • John Masters, The Road Past Mandalay, London: Michael Joseph, 1961. First-hand account of the fighting in Burma by a Chindit officer.
  • Pfefer, Nathan Vinegar Joe's War Presidio Press, 2000, ISBN 0-89141-715-X.
  • Charles F. Romanus Riley Sunderland, Stilwell's Command Problems (Washington: Department of the Army, Historical Division, 1956). Official Army history with extensive documentation.
  • Rooney, D.D. Stilwell Pan Macmillan, 1973, ISBN 0-345-09789-0.
  • Stilwell, Joseph; White, Theodore, Ed. The Stilwell Papers Da Capo Press, 1991, ISBN 0-306-80428-X. Stilwell's wartime diaries.
  • Hans Van de Ven, "Stilwell in the Stocks: The Chinese Nationalists and the Allied Powers in the Second World War," Asian Affairs 34.3 (November 2003): 243-259. Revisionist study argues that Stilwell misunderstood Chiang's military strategy, which was actually flexible and well founded in Chinese realities.
  • Hans J. Van de Ven, War and Nationalism in China, 1925-1945 (London; New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). Expands revisionist view including longer period of time.
  • Andrew Roberts, "Masters and Commanders: How Four Titans Won the War in the West, 1941-1945" (New York: Harper Perennial. 2010). Presents a harsher picture of Stilwell in course of examining Churchill, Roosevelt, Brook, and Marshall.
  • Rana Mitter, "Forgotten Ally: China's World War II. 1937-1945" (Boston; New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. 2013). Complete re-examination of the Chinese wars with Japan which argues that the memory of 'betrayals' by Britain, America, and Russia continues to influence China's worldview today.

Further reading

  1. ^ a b Eldridge, p. 160.
  2. ^ Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–45 (New York, New York: Macmillan Co., 1971), 10.
  3. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience, 9.
  4. ^ a b Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience, 11.
  5. ^ a b Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience, 12.
  6. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience, 12–13.
  7. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience, 15.
  8. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China 1911–45, p, 125
  9. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China 1911–45, p. 4
  10. ^ Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–45 (New York, New York: Macmillan Co., 1971), p. 231–232.
  11. ^ Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–45 (New York, New York: Macmillan Co., 1971), chapter 5 and 10.
  12. ^ Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–45 (New York, New York: Macmillan Co., 1971), chapter 5.
  13. ^ Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–45 (New York, New York: Macmillan Co., 1971), chapter 20.
  14. ^ Stilwell diaries at the Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford University, Transcribed Diary for 1945,http://media.hoover.orgs/default/files/documents/1945Stilwell.pdf
  15. ^ a b U.S. Army Operations in World War II: Burma, 1942
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i Sherry, Mark D., China Defensive 1942–1945, United States Army Center of Military History, CBI Background
  17. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience, p.303.
  18. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, p. 304.
  19. ^ Tuchman, p. 306.
  20. ^ Tuchman, p. 307.
  21. ^ Seagrave, Gordon S., Burma Surgeon, W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1943
  22. ^ a b Glimpse of an Epic, Time Magazine, Monday, August 10, 1942
  23. ^ a b Farquharson, For Your Tomorrow: Canadians and the Burma Campaign, 1941–1945, Trafford Publishing, (2004), ISBN 1-4120-1536-7, ISBN 978-1-4120-1536-3, p. 59
  24. ^ a b c d e Samson, Jack, The Flying Tiger: The True Story of General Claire Chennault and the U.S. 14th Air Force in China, Globe Pequot Press (2005) ISBN 1-59228-711-5, ISBN 978-1-59228-711-6, p. 190
  25. ^ Tuchman, p. 377.
  26. ^ Masters, John, The Road Past Mandalay, Bantam Press (1979), p. 309–310
  27. ^
  28. ^ Taylor, Jay, "The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China", Harvard University Press, 2009, pp.290. (ISBN 0-674-03338-8)
  29. ^ Tuchman, p. 372
  30. ^ Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo, p.208
  31. ^ Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo, p.204
  32. ^ Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo, p.216
  33. ^
  34. ^ Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo, p.214
  35. ^ Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo, pp. 224–225
  36. ^ Roosevelt, As He Saw It, p.207
  37. ^ Jay Taylor, Stilwell's The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China, pp. 271
  38. ^ Wesley Marvin Bagby, The Eagle-Dragon Alliance: America's Relations with China in World War II, p.96
  39. ^ Frank Dorn, Walkout with Stilwell, p. 75–79
  40. ^ Masters, John, The Road Past Mandalay, Bantam Press (1979), p. 159
  41. ^ Bjorge, Gary J., Merrill's Marauders: Combined Operations In Northern Burma In 1944 United States Army Center of Military History
  42. ^ Hunter, Charles N. (Col.), Galahad, TX Naylor Company (1963)
  43. ^ a b c Mehney, Paul, The Road to Burma, Michigan History Online
  44. ^ a b c d The U.S. Army Campaigns of World War II: India-Burma
  45. ^ a b United States Army Center of Military History, Merrill's Marauders February–May 1944, Third Mission: Myitkyina (1990)
  46. ^ a b Merrill's Marauders: February to May, 1944 Diane Publishing (1990), ISBN 0-7881-3275-X, 9780788132759, pp. 109–110
  47. ^ Tuchman, Barbara, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–45, Grove Press (2001), ISBN 0-8021-3852-7, ISBN 978-0-8021-3852-1, p. 450
  48. ^ a b Busch, Briton C., Bunker Hill To Bastogne: Elite Forces and American Society, Brassey's Publishing (2006), ISBN 1-57488-775-0, ISBN 978-1-57488-775-4, p. 182
  49. ^ a b c Taylor, Thomas H. and Martin, Robert J., Rangers: Lead the Way, Turner Publishing Company (1997) ISBN 1-56311-182-9, ISBN 978-1-56311-182-2, p. 94
  50. ^ India-Burma, The U.S. Army Campaigns of World War II
  51. ^ a b Bjorge, Gary J., Merrill's Marauders: Combined Operations In Northern Burma In 1944, United States Army Center of Military History
  52. ^
  53. ^ Masters, John, The Road Past Mandalay, Bantam Books (1979), p. 265
  54. ^ Slim, William, Defeat Into Victory, London: Cassell (1956), ISBN 0-304-29114-5, 0-330-39066-X
  55. ^ Bjorge, Gary J., Merrill's Marauders: Combined Operations In Northern Burma In 1944, sub. "Leadership and Morale", United States Army Center of Military History, p.4
  56. ^ Taylor, Thomas H. and Martin, Robert J., Rangers: Lead the Way, Turner Publishing Company (1997) ISBN 1-56311-182-9, ISBN 978-1-56311-182-2, pp. 94–96
  57. ^ Masters, John, The Road Past Mandalay, Bantam Press (1979), pp. 155–157
  58. ^ a b Guangqiu Xu, War Wings: The United States and Chinese Military Aviation, 1929–1949, Greenwood Publishing Group (2001), ISBN 0-313-32004-7, ISBN 978-0-313-32004-0, p. 191
  59. ^ CBI Hump Pilots Association,
  60. ^ The Burma Front
  61. ^ Tuchman, Barbara, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–1945, Grove Press (1985), p. 484
  62. ^ Air Force Magazine,
  63. ^ Romanus and Sunderland, Stilwell's Command Problem, p.446-447
  64. ^ [Stilwell Museum] retrieved 7 Aug 2012
  65. ^ Lohbeck, Hurley, p.292
  66. ^ Lohbeck, Hurley, p.298
  67. ^ Romanus and Sunderland, Stilwell's Command Problem, p.452
  68. ^ Wedemeyer, Albert C. (Gen), Wedemeyer Reports!, Henry Holt Co. (1958) ISBN 0-89275-011-1, ISBN 0-8159-7216-4, p. 269
  69. ^ a b Wedemeyer, Albert C. (Gen), Wedemeyer Reports!, Henry Holt Co. (1958) ISBN 0-89275-011-1, ISBN 0-8159-7216-4, pp. 303–304
  70. ^ Wedemeyer, Albert C. (Gen), Wedemeyer Reports!, Henry Holt Co. (1958) ISBN 0-89275-011-1, ISBN 0-8159-7216-4, p. 294
  71. ^ Missile Defense: The First Seventy Years
  72. ^ New York Times. February 26, 1946.
  73. ^ The Encyclopedia of American Prisons by Carl Sifakis, pg. 9
  74. ^
  75. ^ a b
  76. ^ A different perspective on this same "regret" is given in the final chapter of Tuchman's book: it "represented for Stilwell, as for so many others, an inclination toward the Chinese Communists that was simply the obverse of disgust with the Kuomintang."
  77. ^ Masters, pp. 287ff.
  78. ^ Masters, pp. 287–289.
  79. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience
  80. ^ Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience.
  81. ^ Tuchman, Stillwell and the American Experience.
  82. ^ cf. Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience, p. 489, on the strain the beefed up air transport in support of Chennault's 14th Air Force placed on operations in Europe.
  83. ^ Knightley, Phillip, The First Casualty: The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Iraq, JHU Press (2004), ISBN 0-8018-8030-0, ISBN 978-0-8018-8030-8, p. 303
  84. ^
  85. ^
  86. ^
  87. ^ Cadet Regulation 1-1, Cadet Decorations and Awards, February 20, 2006. Available from
 This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the United States Army Center of Military History.


See also

Awards and decorations

No pin insignia in 1904 Second Lieutenant, United States Army: June 15, 1904
First Lieutenant, United States Army: March 3, 1911
Captain, United States Army: July 1, 1916
Major, Army of the United States: August 5, 1917
Lieutenant Colonel, Army of the United States: August 26, 1918
Colonel, Army of the United States: May 6, 1919
Captain, Regular Army (reverted to permanent rank): September 14, 1919
Major, Regular Army: July 1, 1920
Lieutenant Colonel, Regular Army: May 6, 1928
Colonel, Regular Army: August 1, 1935
Brigadier general, Regular Army: July 1, 1939
Major General, Army of the United States: October 1, 1940
Lieutenant General, Army of the United States: February 25, 1942
Major general, Regular Army: September 1, 1943
General, Regular Army: August 1, 1944

Dates of rank

A reference to Stilwell was made in the 1995 film "Outbreak." During a discussion between Morgan Freeman and Donald Sutherland, Sutherland makes the remark that, "FDR stopped Stilwell from going into Indochina, he caused the Vietnam War."

The award for the Outstanding Overall Cadet, Senior Division, in the California Cadet Corps is named the General Joseph W. Stilwell Award.[87]

On August 24, 2000, the United States Postal Service issued the first 10¢ Distinguished Americans series postage stamp honoring Stilwell.[86]

Stilwell is portrayed on film by Erville Alderson in Objective, Burma! (1945), by John Hoyt in Samuel Fuller's Merrill's Marauders (1962), by Robert Stack in Steven Spielberg's 1941 (1979), and by Yachun Dong in Chinese Expeditionary Force (2011).

In popular culture

Historian Andrew Roberts quotes Stilwell to illustrate his strong Anglophobia, which became a stumbling block to smooth cooperation between US and UK forces in Asia.[84] Historian Rana Mitter argues that Stilwell never appreciated that his position as Chief of Staff to Chiang Kai-shek did not give him as much authority as Marshall had in his position as Roosevelt's Chief of Staff. Chiang was the Commander-in Chief of Chinese forces, not Stilwell, and he resisted Stilwell's initiatives when they involved committing Chinese forces to do-or-die engagements or when Chinese troops were removed from his immediate control to bases in India. Mitter views Chiang as correct in attempting to husband China's resources after the serious losses of 1937-1941. Mitter also supports the view that Chennault could have accomplished much more had Stilwell not diverted a large proportion of Lend-Lease equipment to the Chinese troops in India. Mitter factors in the impact of collaborationist Wang Jingwei as yet another major force in China. Stilwell's mastery of written and spoken Chinese made him the United States' default choice for the China command; Mitter projects that his talents could have been far better employed in North Africa, as Marshall had originally planned.[85]

Although Chiang succeeded in removing Stilwell, the public relations damage suffered by his Kuomintang regime was irreparable. Right before Stilwell's departure, New York Times drama critic-turned-war correspondent Brooks Atkinson interviewed him in Chungking and wrote, "The decision to relieve General Stilwell represents the political triumph of a moribund, anti-democratic regime that is more concerned with maintaining its political supremacy than in driving the Japanese out of China. The Chinese Communists... have good armies that they are claiming to be fighting guerrilla warfare against the Japanese in North China—actually they are covertly or even overtly building themselves up to fight Generalissimo's government forces... The Generalissimo naturally regards these armies as the chief threat to the country and his supremacy... has seen no need to make sincere attempt to arrange at least a truce with them for the duration of the war... No diplomatic genius could have overcome the Generalissimo's basic unwillingness to risk his armies in battle with the Japanese."[75] Atkinson, who had visited Mao in Yenan, saw the Communist Chinese forces as a democratic movement (after Atkinson visited Mao, his article on his visit was titled Yenan: A Chinese Wonderland City), and the Nationalists in turn as hopelessly reactionary and corrupt; this view was shared by many of the U.S. press corps in China at the time.[83] The negative image of the Kuomintang in America played a significant factor in Harry Truman's decision to end all U.S. aid to Chiang at the height of the Chinese civil war.

Arguably, had Stilwell been given the number of American regular infantry divisions he had continually requested, the American experience in China and Burma would have been very different.[81] Certainly, his Army peers, Gen. Simon Bolivar Buckner, Jr. as commander of Tenth U.S. Army at Okinawa after the latter's death. During the last year of the war, however, the U.S. was strained to meet all its military obligations, and cargo aircraft diverted to supply Stilwell, the 14th Air Force, and the Chinese in the East left air-drop-dependent campaigns in the West, such as Operation Market Garden, woefully short of aircraft. The destruction of 1st Airborne at Arnhem was one result of these competing demands.[82]

In other respects, however, Stilwell was a skilled tactician in U.S. Army's land warfare tradition, with a deep appreciation of the logistics required of campaigning in rough terrain (hence his dedication to the Ledo Road project, for which he received several awards, including the Distinguished Service Cross and the US Army Distinguished Service Medal).[79] The trust Stilwell placed in men of real insight and character in understanding China, particularly the China Hands, John Stewart Service and John Paton Davies, Jr., confirms this assessment.[80]

Stilwell, a "soldier's soldier", was nonetheless an old-school American infantry officer unable to appreciate the creative developments in warfare brought about by World War II—including strategic air power and the use of highly trained infantrymen as jungle guerrilla fighters.[77] His disagreements with the equally acerbic Gen. Claire L. Chennault as Chennault over-valued the effectiveness of air power against massed ground troops—a fact demonstrated by the fall of the 14th Air Force bases in eastern China (Hengyang, Kweilin, etc.) in the Japanese eastern China offensive of 1944—in Stilwell's opinion. Stilwell clashed with other officers including Orde Wingate, who led the Chindits, and Col. Charles Hunter, officer in charge of Merrill's Marauders. Stilwell could neither appreciate the toll constant jungle warfare took on even the most highly trained troops, nor the incapacity of lightly armed, fast-moving jungle guerrilla forces to dislodge heavily armed regular infantry supported by artillery. Accordingly, Stilwell abused both Chindits and Marauders, and earned the contempt of both units and their commanders.[78]

A very different interpretation of events suggests that Stilwell, pressing for his full command of all Chinese forces, had made diplomatic inroads with the Chinese Communist Red Army commanded by Mao Zedong. He bypassed his theater commander Chiang Kai-Shek and had gotten Mao to agree to follow an American commander. His confrontational approach in the power struggle with Chiang ultimately led to Chiang's determination to have Stilwell recalled to the United States.[75] According to Guan Zhong, President of the Examination Yuan, Stilwell had once expressed his regret of never having the opportunity to fight alongside the Chinese Communist army, especially with General Zhu De, before his death.[76]

In her book Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911-45, Barbara Tuchman wrote that Stilwell was sacrificed as a political expedient because of his inability to get along with his allies in the theater. Some historians, such as David Halberstam in his final book, The Coldest Winter: America and the Korean War, have theorized that Roosevelt was concerned that Chiang would sign a separate peace with Japan, which would free many Japanese divisions to fight elsewhere, and that Roosevelt wanted to placate Chiang. The power struggle over the China Theater that emerged between Stilwell, Chennault, and Chiang reflected the American political divisions of the time.

A bust of Stilwell at the "Former Residence of General Stilwell" museum in Chongqing


Stilwell’s home, built in 1933–1934 on Carmel Point, Carmel, California, remains a private home. A number of streets, buildings, and areas across the country have been named for Stilwell over the years, including Joseph Stilwell Middle School in Jacksonville, Florida. The Soldiers’ Club he envisioned in 1940 (a time when there was no such thing as a soldiers’ club in the Army) was completed in 1943 at Fort Ord on the bluffs overlooking Monterey Bay. Many years later the building was renamed “Stilwell Hall” in his honor, but because of the erosion of the bluffs over the decades, the building was taken down in 2003. Stilwell's former residence in Chongqing – a city along the Yangtze River to which Chiang's government retreated after being forced from Nanjing by Japanese troops – has now been converted to the General Joseph W. Stilwell Museum in his honor.


Joseph Stilwell died after surgery for stomach cancer on October 12, 1946 at the Presidio of San Francisco, while still on active duty.[74] He was cremated and his ashes were scattered on the Pacific Ocean, and a cenotaph was placed at the West Point Cemetery. Among his military decorations are the Distinguished Service Cross, Distinguished Service Medal with one Oak Leaf Cluster, the Legion of Merit degree of Commander, the Bronze Star, and the Combat Infantryman Badge (this last award was given to him as he was dying).


In late February 1946, Stilwell assumed command of the Frank Merrill led two Marine platoons in the prison uprising known as the Battle of Alcatraz.[73]

In November, he was appointed to lead a "War Department Equipment Board" in an investigation of the Army's modernization in light of its recent experience. Among his recommendations was the establishment of a combined arms force to conduct extended service tests of new weapons and equipment and then formulate doctrine for its use, and the abolition of specialized anti-tank units. His most notable recommendation was for a vast improvement of the Army's defenses against all airborne threats, including ballistic missiles. In particular, he called for "guided interceptor missiles, dispatched in accordance with electronically computed data obtained from radar detection stations."[71]

Despite prompting by the news media, Stilwell never complained about his treatment by Washington or by Chiang. He later served as Commander of Army Ground Forces, U.S. Tenth Army commander in the last few days of the Battle of Okinawa in 1945, and as U.S. Sixth Army commander after the war's conclusion.


Stilwell was replaced by General Albert C. Wedemeyer, who received a telegram from General Marshall on October 27, 1944 directing him to proceed to China to assume command of the China theatre and replace General Stilwell. Wedemeyer later recalled his initial dread over the assignment, as service in the China theater was considered a graveyard for American officials, both military and diplomatic.[68] When Wedemeyer actually arrived at Stilwell’s headquarters after Stilwell’s dismissal, Wedemeyer was dismayed to discover that Stilwell had intentionally departed without seeing him, and did not leave a single briefing paper for his guidance, though departing U.S. military commanders habitually greeted their replacement in order to thoroughly brief them on the strengths and weaknesses of headquarters staff, the issues confronting the command, and planned operations.[69] Searching the offices, Wedemeyer could find no documentary record of Stilwell's plans or records of his former or future operations.[69] General Wedemeyer then spoke with Stilwell’s staff officers but learned little from them because Stilwell, according to the staff, kept everything in his “hip pocket”.[70]

On October 19, 1944, Stilwell was recalled from his command by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Partly as a result of controversy concerning the casualties suffered by U.S. forces in Burma and partly due to continuing difficulties with the British and Chinese commanders, Stilwell's return to the United States was not accompanied by the usual ceremony. Upon arrival, he was met by two Army generals at the airport, who told him that he was not to answer any media questions about China whatsoever.

With the rapid deterioration of the China front after Japanese launched Operation Ichi-Go in 1944, Stilwell saw this as an opportunity to gain full command of all Chinese armed forces. In a separate effort based on the same appreciation of the situation, Roosevelt sent an ultimatum to Chiang threatening to end all American aid unless Chiang "at once" place Stilwell "in unrestricted command of all your forces."[63][64] An exultant Stilwell immediately delivered this letter to Chiang despite pleas from Patrick Hurley, Roosevelt's special envoy in China, to delay delivering the message and work on a deal that would achieve Stilwell's aim in a manner more acceptable to Chiang.[65] Seeing this act as a move toward the complete subjugation of China, Chiang gave a formal reply in which he said that Stilwell must be replaced immediately and he would welcome any other qualified U.S. general to fill Stilwell's position.[66][67]

Recall from China

In acknowledgment of Stilwell's efforts, the Ledo Road was later renamed the Stilwell Road by Chiang Kai-shek.

In the end, Stilwell's plan to train and modernize thirty Chinese divisions in China (as well as two or three divisions from forces already in India) was never fully realized. As Chennault predicted, supplies carried over the Ledo Road at no time approached tonnage levels of supplies airlifted monthly into China via the Hump.[59] In July 1945, 71,000 tons of supplies were flown over the Hump, compared to only 6,000 tons using the Ledo Road, and the airlift operation continued in operation until the end of the war.[58][60] By the time supplies were flowing over the Ledo Road in large quantities, operations in other theaters had shaped the course of the war against Japan.[16] Stilwell's drive into North Burma, however, allowed Air Transport Command to fly supplies into China more quickly and safely by allowing American planes to fly a more southerly route without fear of Japanese fighters. American airplanes no longer had to make the dangerous venture over the Hump, increasing the delivery of supplies from 18,000 tons in June 1944, to 39,000 tons in November 1944.[61] On August 1, 1945 a plane crossed the hump every one minute and 12 seconds.[62]

In coordination with a southern offensive by Nationalist Chinese forces under General Wei Li-huang, Allied troops under Stilwell's command launched the long-awaited invasion of northern Burma; after heavy fighting and casualties, the two forces linked up in January 1945. Stilwell's strategy remained unchanged: opening a new ground supply route from India to China would allow the Allies to equip and train new Chinese army divisions for use against the Japanese. The new road network, later called the Ledo Road, would link the northern end of the Burma Road as the primary supply route to China; Stilwell's staff planners had estimated the route would supply 65,000 tons of supplies per month.[16] Using these figures, Stilwell argued that the Ledo Road network would greatly surpass the tonnage being airlifted over the Hump.[24] General Chennault doubted that such an extended network of trails through difficult jungle could ever match the tonnage that could be delivered with modern cargo transport aircraft then deploying in-theater.[58] Progress on the Ledo Road was slow, and could not be completed until the linkup of forces in January 1945.

In 1944, the Japanese launched the counter-offensive, Operation Ichi-Go, quickly overrunning Chennault's forward air bases and proving Stilwell partially correct. However, by this time, Allied supply efforts via the Hump airlift were steadily improving in tonnage supplied per month; with the replacement of Chinese war losses, Chennault now saw little need for a ground offensive in northern Burma in order to re-open a ground supply route to China. This time, augmented with increased military equipment and additional troops, and concerned about defense of the approaches to India, British authorities sided with Stilwell.[57]

Following Chennault's advice, Generalissimo Chiang rejected the proposal; British commanders sided with Chennault, aware they could not launch a coordinated Allied offensive into Burma in 1943 with the resources then available.[24] During the summer of 1943, Stilwell's headquarters concentrated on plans to rebuild the Chinese Army for an offensive in northern Burma, despite Chiang's insistence on support to Chennault's air operations. Stilwell believed that after forcing a supply route through northern Burma by means of a major ground offensive against the Japanese, he could train and equip thirty Chinese divisions with modern combat equipment. A smaller number of Chinese forces would transfer to India, where two or three new Chinese divisions would also be raised. This plan remained only theoretical at the time, since available airlift capacity for deliveries of supplies to China over the Hump barely sustained Chennault's air operations, and were wholly insufficient to equip a new Chinese Army.[16]

One of the most significant conflicts to emerge during the war was between General Stilwell and General Claire Lee Chennault, the commander of the famed "Flying Tigers" and later air force commander. As adviser to the Chinese air forces, Chennault proposed a limited air offensive against the Japanese in China in 1943 using a series of forward air bases. Stilwell insisted that the idea was untenable, and that any air campaign should not begin until fully fortified air bases supported by large infantry reserves had first been established. Stilwell then argued that all air resources be diverted to his forces in India for an early conquest of North Burma.[24]

Conflict with General Chennault

Only a week after the fall of Myitkyina in Burma, the 5307th Marauder force, down to only 130 combat-effective men (out of the original 2,997), was disbanded.

Bereft of further combat replacements for his hard-pressed Marauder battalions, Stilwell felt he had no choice but to continue offensive operations with his existing forces, using the Marauders as 'the point of the spear' until they had either achieved all their objectives, or were wiped out.[44] He was also concerned that pulling out the Marauders, the only U.S. ground unit in the campaign, resulted in charges of favoritism, forcing him to evacuate the exhausted Chinese and British Chindit forces as well.[44] When General [44][55] Myitkyina and the dispute over evacuation policy precipitated a hurried Army Inspector General investigation, followed by U.S. congressional committee hearings, though no disciplinary measures were taken against General Stilwell for his decisions as overall commander.[56]

Stilwell also ordered that all Marauders evacuated from combat due to wounds or fever first submit to a special medical 'examination' by doctors appointed by his headquarters staff. These examinations passed many ailing soldiers as fit for duty; Stilwell's staff roamed hospital hallways in search of any Marauder with a temperature lower than 103 degrees Fahrenheit.[49] Some of the men who were passed and sent back into combat were immediately re-evacuated as unfit at the insistence of forward medical personnel. Later, Stilwell's staff placed blame on Army medical personnel for overzealously interpreting Stilwell's return-to-duty order.[52] During the Myitkyina siege, Japanese soldiers resisted fiercely, generally fighting to the last man. As a result, Myitkyina did not fall until August 4, 1944, after Stilwell was forced to send in thousands of Chinese reinforcements, though Stilwell was pleased that the objective had at last been taken (his notes from his personal diary contain the notation, "Boy, will this burn up the Limeys!"[53]). Later, Stilwell blamed the length of the siege, among other things, on British and Gurkha Chindit forces for not promptly responding to his demands to move north in an attempt to pressure Japanese troops. This was in spite of the fact that the Chindits themselves had suffered grievous casualties in several fierce pitched battles with Japanese troops in the Burmese jungles, along with losses from illness and combat exhaustion.[51] Stilwell also had not kept his British allies clearly informed of his force movements, nor coordinated his offensive plans with those of General Slim.

During the Myitkyina siege, which took place during the height of the monsoon season, Marauders' second-in-command, Col. Hunter, as well as the unit's regimental and battalion level surgeons, had urgently recommended that the entire 5307th be relieved of duty and returned to rear areas for rest and recovery. By this time, most of the men had fevers and continual dysentery, forcing the men to cut the seats out of their uniform trousers in order to fire their weapons and relieve themselves simultaneously.[49][50] Stilwell rejected the evacuation recommendation, though he did make a frontline inspection of the Myitkyina lines. Afterwards, he ordered all medical staff to stop returning combat troops suffering from disease or illness, and instead return them to combat status, using medications to keep down fevers.[51] The feelings of many Marauders towards General Stilwell at that time were summed up by one soldier, who stated, "I had him [Stilwell] in my sights. I coulda' squeezed one off and no one woulda' known it wasn't a Jap who got that son of a bitch."[49]

On May 17, 1,310 remaining Marauders attacked Myitkyina airfield in concert with elements of two Chinese infantry regiments and a small artillery contingent.[45][46] The airfield was quickly taken, but the town, which Stilwell's intelligence staff had believed to be lightly defended,[47] was garrisoned by significant numbers of well-equipped Japanese troops, who were steadily being reinforced.[43] A preliminary attack on the town by two Chinese regiments was thrown back with heavy losses.[43][48] The Marauders did not have the manpower to immediately overwhelm Myitkyina and its defenses; by the time additional Chinese forces arrived and were in a position to attack, Japanese forces totaled some 4,600[48] fanatical Japanese defenders.[45][46]

In April 1944, Stilwell launched his final offensive to capture the Burmese city of [44]

Stilwell awarding medals at Myitkyina, 1944

With the establishment of the new South East Asia Command in August 1943, Stilwell was appointed Deputy Supreme Allied Commander under Vice Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten. Taking command of various Chinese and Allied forces, including a new U.S. Army special operations formation, the 5307th Composite Unit (provisional) later known as Merrill's Marauders, Stilwell built up his Chinese forces for an eventual offensive in northern Burma. On December 21, 1943, Stilwell assumed direct control of planning for the invasion of Northern Burma, culminating with capture of the Japanese-held town of Myitkyina. In the meantime, Stilwell ordered General Merrill and the Marauders to commence long-range jungle penetration missions behind Japanese lines after the pattern of the British Chindits. In February 1944, three Marauder battalions marched into Burma. Though Stilwell was at the Ledo Road front when the Marauders arrived at their jump-off point, the general did not walk out to the road to bid them farewell.[40]

Myitkyina Offensive and aftermath

Stilwell was infuriated also by the rampant corruption of the Chiang regime. In his diary, which he faithfully kept, Stilwell began to note the corruption and the amount of money ($380,584,000 in 1944 dollars) being wasted upon the procrastinating Chiang and his government. The Cambridge History of China, for instance, also estimates that some 60%–70% of Chiang's Kuomintang conscripts did not make it through their basic training, with some 40% deserting and the remaining 20% dying of starvation before full induction into the military. Eventually, Stilwell’s belief that the generalissimo and his generals were incompetent and corrupt reached such proportions that Stilwell sought to cut off Lend-Lease aid to China.[38] Stilwell even ordered Office of Strategic Services (OSS) officers to draw up contingency plans to assassinate Chiang Kai-shek after he heard Roosevelt's casual remarks regarding the possible defeat of Chiang by either internal or external enemies, and if this happened to replace Chiang with someone else to continue the Chinese resistance against Japan.[39]

Stilwell with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and Madame Chiang Kai-shek

Stilwell also continually clashed with Field Marshal Archibald Wavell, and apparently came to believe that the British in India were more concerned with protecting their colonial possessions than helping the Chinese fight the Japanese. In August 1943, as a result of constant feuding and conflicting objectives of British, American, and Chinese commands, along with the lack of a coherent strategic vision for the China Burma India (CBI) theater, the Combined Chiefs of Staff split the CBI command into separate Chinese and Southeast Asia theaters.

After Stilwell left the defeated Chinese troops that he had been given nominal command by Chiang Kai-shek (Chinese generals admitted later that they had considered Stilwell as an 'adviser' and sometimes took orders directly from Chiang), he escaped Burma in 1942,[29] Chiang was outraged by what he saw as Stilwell's blatant abandonment of his best army without orders and began to question Stilwell's capability and judgment as a military commander.[30] Chiang was also infuriated at Stilwell's strict control of U.S. lend lease supplies to China. But instead of confronting Stilwell or communicating his concerns to Marshall and Roosevelt when they asked Chiang to assess Stilwell's leadership after the Allied disaster in Burma, Chiang reiterated his "full confidence and trust" in the general[31] while countermanding some orders to Chinese units issued by Stilwell in his capacity as Chief of Staff. An outraged Stilwell began to call Chiang "the little dummy" or "Peanut" in his reports to Washington,[32] ("Peanut" originally being intended as a code name for Chiang in official radio messages[33]) while Chiang repeatedly expressed his pent-up grievances against Stilwell for his "recklessness, insubordination, contempt and arrogance" to U.S. envoys to China.[34] Stilwell would press Chiang and the British to take immediate actions to retake Burma, but Chiang demanded impossibly large amounts of supplies before he would agree to take offensive action, and the British refused to meet their previous pledges to provide naval and ground troops due to Churchill's "Europe first" strategy.[35] Eventually Stilwell began to complain openly to Roosevelt that Chiang was hoarding U.S. lend lease supplies because he wanted to keep Chinese Nationalist forces ready to fight the Communists under Mao Zedong after the end of the war with the Japanese,[36] even though from 1942 to 1944 98 percent of U.S. military aid over the Hump had gone directly to the 14th Air Force and U.S. military personnel in China.[37]

I have waited long for vengeance,
At last I’ve had my chance.
I’ve looked the Peanut in the eye
And kicked him in the pants.

The old harpoon was ready
With aim and timing true,
I sank it to the handle,
And stung him through and through.

The little bastard shivered,
And lost the power of speech.
His face turned green and quivered
As he struggled not to screech.

For all my weary battles,
For all my hours of woe,
At last I've had my innings
And laid the Peanut low.

I know I've still to suffer,
And run a weary race,
But oh! the blessed pleasure!
I've wrecked the Peanut's face.

— Poem written by Joseph Stilwell in 1944[28]

Disagreements with Chiang and the Allies

Captain Charlton Ogburn, Jr., a U.S. Army Marauder officer, and Chindit brigade commanders John Masters and Michael Calvert later recalled that Stilwell's appointment of a staff officer specially detailed by him to visit subordinate commands in order to chastise their officers and men as being 'yellow'.[26] In October 1943, after the Joint Planning Staff at GHQ India had rejected a plan by Stilwell to fly his Chinese troops into northern Burma, Field Marshal Wavell asked whether Stilwell was satisfied on purely military grounds that the plan could not work. Stilwell replied that he was. Wavell then asked what Stilwell would say to Chiang Kai-shek, and Stilwell replied "I shall tell him the bloody British wouldn't fight."[27]

The portion of 111 Brigade east of the Irrawaddy were known as Morris Force, after its commander, Lieutenant-Colonel "Jumbo" Morris. They had spent several months harassing Japanese traffic from Bhamo to Myitkyina. They had then attempted to complete the encirclement of Myitkyina. Stilwell was angered that they were unable to do so, but Slim pointed out that Stilwell's Chinese troops (numbering 5,500) had also failed in that task. By 14 July, Morris Force was down to three platoons. A week later, they had only 25 men fit for duty. Morris Force was evacuated about the same time as 77th Brigade.

During this time in India, Stilwell became increasingly disenchanted with British forces, and did not hesitate to voice criticisms of what he viewed as hesitant or cowardly behavior. Ninety percent of the Chindit casualties were incurred in the last phase of the campaign from 17 May when they were under the direct command of Stilwell.[23] The British view was quite different and they pointed out that over the period from 6 June to 27 June, Calvert's 77th Brigade, which lacked heavy weapons, took Mogaung and suffered 800 casualties (50%) among those of the brigade involved in the operation. Stilwell expected 77th Brigade to join the siege of Myitkyina but Michael Calvert, sickened by demands on his troops which he considered abusive, switched off his radios and withdrew to Stilwell's base. 111 Brigade, after resting, were ordered to capture a hill known as Point 2171. They did so, but were now utterly exhausted. Most of them were suffering from malaria, dysentery and malnutrition. On 8 July, at the insistence of the Supreme Commander, Admiral Louis Mountbatten, doctors examined the brigade. Of the 2200 men present from four and a half battalions, only 119 were declared fit. The Brigade was evacuated, although Masters sarcastically kept the fit men, "111 Company" in the field until 1 August.

Command of the Chindits

Convinced that the Chinese soldier was the equal of any given proper care and leadership, Stilwell established a training center (in Ramgarh, India, 200 miles west of Calcutta) for two divisions of Chinese troops from forces that had retreated to Assam from Burma. His effort in this regard met passive, sometimes active, resistance from the British, who feared that armed, disciplined Chinese would set an example for Indian insurgents, and from Chiang Kai-shek who did not welcome a strong military unit outside of his control. From the outset, Stilwell's primary goals were the opening of a land route to China from northern Burma and India by means of a ground offensive in northern Burma, so that more supplies could be transported to China, and to organize, equip, and train a reorganized, reequipped, modernized, and competent Chinese army that would fight the Japanese in the China-Burma-India theater (CBI).[16][24] Stilwell argued that the CBI was the only area at that time where the possibility existed for the Allies of engaging large numbers of troops against their common enemy, Japan. Unfortunately, the huge airborne logistical train of support from the USA to British India was still being organized, while supplies being flown over the Hump were barely sufficient to maintain Chennault's air operations and replace some Chinese war losses, let alone equip and supply an entire army.[16][24] Additionally, critical supplies intended for the CBI were being diverted due to various crises in other combat theaters.[16] Of the supplies that made it over the Hump a certain percentage were diverted by Chinese (and American) personnel into the black market for their personal enrichment.[25] As a result, most Allied commanders in India, with the exception of General Orde Wingate and his Chindit operations, were focused on defensive measures.

After the Japanese occupied Burma, China was almost completely cut off from Allied aid and materiel except through the hazardous route of flying cargo aircraft over the Hump. Early on, the Roosevelt administration and the War Department had given priority to other theaters for U.S. combat forces, equipment, and logistical support. With the closure of the Burma Road and the fall of Burma, it was realized that even replacing Chinese war losses would be extremely difficult. Consequently, the Allies' initial strategy was to keep Chinese resistance to the Japanese going by providing a lifeline of logistical and air support.

In India, Stilwell soon became well known for his no-nonsense demeanor and disregard for military pomp and ceremony. His trademarks were a battered Army campaign hat, GI shoes, and a plain service uniform with no insignia of rank; he frequently carried a Model 1903, .30-06 Caliber, Springfield rifle in preference to a sidearm. His hazardous march out of Burma and his bluntly honest assessment of the disaster captured the imagination of the American public: "I claim we got a hell of a beating. We got run out of Burma and it is humiliating as hell. I think we ought to find out what caused it, go back and retake it.".[22] However, Stilwell's derogatory remarks castigating the ineffectiveness of what he termed Limey forces, a viewpoint often repeated by Stilwell's staff, did not sit well with British and Commonwealth commanders.[23] However, it was well known among the troops that Stilwell's disdain for the British was aimed toward those high command officers that he saw as overly stuffy and pompous.

Arriving in Burma just in time to experience the collapse of the Allied defense of that country, which cut China off from all land and sea supply routes, Stilwell personally led his staff of 117 men and women out of Burma into Assam, India on foot, marching at what his men called the 'Stilwell stride' – 105 paces per minute.[21][22] Two of the men accompanying him, his aide Frank Dorn and the war correspondent, Jack Belden, wrote books about the walkout: Walkout with Stilwell in Burma (1971) and Retreat with Stilwell (1943), respectively. The Assam route was also used by other retreating Allied and Chinese forces.

Stilwell marches out of Burma, May 1942

However, the first step to fighting the war for Stilwell was the reformation of the Chinese Army.[18] These reforms clashed with the delicate balance of political and military alliances in China, which kept Chiang in power. Reforming the army meant removing men who maintained Chiang's position as commander-in-chief.[19] While he gave Stilwell technical overall command of some Chinese troops, Chiang worried that the new American-led forces would become yet another independent force outside of his control.[16] Since 1942, members of his staff had continually objected to Chinese troops being used in Burma for the purpose, as they viewed it, of returning that country to British colonial control.[15][16] Chiang therefore sided with General [1]

Stilwell's assignment in the China-Burma-India Theater was a geographical administrative command on the same level as the commands of Dwight D. Eisenhower and Douglas MacArthur. However, unlike other combat theaters, for example the European Theater of Operations, the CBI was never a "theater of operations" and did not have an overall American operational command structure. The China theater came under the operational command of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek, commander of Nationalist Chinese forces, while the Burma India theater came under the operational command of the British (first India Command and later Allied South East Asia Command whose supreme commander was Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten). The British and Chinese were ill-equipped and more often than not on the receiving end of Japanese offensives. Chiang Kai-Shek was interested in conserving his troops and Allied Lend-Lease supplies for use against any sudden Japanese offensive, as well as against Chinese Communist forces in a later civil war. His wariness increased after observing the disastrous Allied performance against the Japanese in Burma.[15][16] After fighting and resisting the Japanese for five years, many in the Nationalist government felt that it was time for the Allies to assume a greater burden in fighting the war.[17]

Gen. Frank Merrill (left) with Stilwell in Burma


Tuchman also notes his use in his letters and diaries of a catalogue of now insulting words which she says "he used easily and seemingly without pejorative content": these included "limeys for the English, frogs for the French ("met a frog and his wife on shipboard"), huns and squareheads for Germans, wops for Italians, chinks or chinos for Chinese, googs for Filipinos, niggers or coons for Negroes".,[12] while at the end of the war Tuchman says he took "a harsh pleasure in touring the gutted and burned-out districts of Yokohama and staring at the once arrogant [Japanese] now living in shanties of scrap lumber and tin and scratching in the dirt to plant onions".[13] His diary entry for 1 September 1945 (in Yokohama) reads in part: "What a kick to stare at the arrogant, ugly, moon-faced, buck-toothed, bowlegged bastards, and realize where this puts them. Many newly demobilized soldiers around. Most police salute. People generally just apathetic. We gloated over the destruction & came in at 3:00 feeling fine."[14]

Tuchman records that Stilwell was a lifelong Republican: "...he retained the family Republicanism and joined naturally in the exhilarating exercise of Roosevelt-hating" and later (at the time of his meeting with Roosevelt) "At home Stilwell was a conventional Republican who shared the sentiments and adopted the tone of the Roosevelt-haters, in which he was influenced by his brother John, an extremist of the species.".[11] Elsewhere she notes that, in the view of an (unnamed) close friend, “Stilwell was liberal and sympathetic by instinct. But he was conservative in thought and politics.”

Political and personal views

Just prior to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek, served as the commander of the China Burma India Theater responsible for all Lend-Lease supplies going to China, and later was Deputy Commander of the South East Asia Command. Unfortunately, despite his status and position in China, he soon became embroiled in conflicts over U.S. Lend-Lease aid and Chinese political sectarianism.

Between the wars, Stilwell served three tours in China, where he mastered spoken and written Chinese, and was the military attaché at the U.S. Legation in 7th Infantry Division at Fort Ord, California. It was there that his leadership style – which emphasized concern for the average soldier and minimized ceremonies and officious discipline – earned him the nickname of “Uncle Joe.”

[9] that translates as "Don't let the bastards grind you down."fractured Latin, a form of Illegitimi non carborundum Yet another indication of his view of life was the motto he kept on his desk: [8]

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